Effectiveness of Direct Mail on Cigarette Vending Industry

Effectiveness of Direct Mail on Cigarette Vending Industry The Effectiveness of Direct Mail on the Cigarette Vending Industry in the United Kingdom Irrespective of the mode and methods adopted for marketing, including direct mail, the cigarette vending industry continues to prosper not only in the United Kingdom, but also across the world. At the same time there is a continuous rise in the spread of a number of diseases directly related with smoking including chronic respiratory diseases, cardiovascular diseases and various types of cancers in turn leading to increased death rates amongst the smoking populations. One of the major causes of premature deaths in developing countries, the figures for United Kingdom alone show that approximately 120,000 individuals die every year from diseases directly related to smoking, which is an alarming 20 present of all deaths in a given year. A similar study on smoking also revealed that cancer alone accounts for nearly a third of all deaths from smoking, and another one sixth die from other causes related to smoking. Figures for the younger generation entering the smoking populations of the United Kingdom showed that there was a gradual rise between the years 1988 and 1997,and a somewhat similar rise in the figures amongst adult smoking populations. Marketing departments of cigarette manufacturing companies around the world would least care that an individual smoking cigarette on a regular basis more than doubles the risk of dying before he or she reaches the age of 65. If there is any consolation for these companies adopting various lucrative direct mail strategies for vending and marketing cigarettes, smoking by pregnant women have been found to result in severe repercussions for the foetus as well as new born baby. These include an increased risk of miscarriage, reduced birth weight and potential for prenatal deaths. In similar context, parents who continue to smoke after pregnancy invite increased chances of sudden death syndrome in their infants. The following dissertation will however limit its discussions and studies, and present its findings on the effectiveness of direct mail in the cigarette vending industry of the United Kingdom. (DOH, 1998) Introduction One of the most widely accepted facts and one that has been proven beyond any doubt is that smoking poses a number of health risks. In addition smokers are more than likely to contract certain diseases in comparison to those who do not smoke at all. It is also a fact that smoking is largely accepted as an addictive habit, and with the passage of time, and advances in the study of and implications of smoking alto openly reveal that today it is not merely an addictive habit; on the contrary it is a collection of human behaviours which also includes smoking. It must also be borne in mind that since it is an addiction, and for some indeed a very strong habit, it is wrong to assume that this habit cannot be given up. In fact, there have been numerous cases where individuals have totally given up smoking. It is precisely this line of approach that has made major cigarette manufacturers to print health warning instructions on all their respective packs of cigarettes. Furthermore, majority of the cigarette manufacturing companies around the world, including those of the United Kingdom comply with requisite regulations and legislations with respect of marketing, advertisement and sales of cigarettes. There are also companies, which have their own pack labelling policies, which go beyond the requisite legislation of the respective host country. It is perhaps this lapse, if one may wish to call it, which has allowed majority of cigarette manufacturing companies to guise their marketing, promotion, advertising and selling policies into a philosophy which acknowledges the right of the adult populations to smoke, and consequently respect and protect that particular right. (Pierce et al,1998; Beemer and Siegel, 2000; Safer and Chaloupka, 1999; Anderson etal, 2002; Slade, 2001; Lewis and Littler, 1999) In pursuance of the rights of the smokers, cigarette manufacturing companies also stand against any excessive price regulations and tax measures which are presumably aimed at reducing demand for cigarettes. An independent view of a number of tax and price measures levied by various countries including the United Kingdom reveal that the smoking populations are unduly punished for the pleasure of smoking, and governments largely fail to take into account the huge sums generated from revenues on the various taxes levied on cigarettes. These high rates of taxes levied on cigarettes then results in the illegal and often illicit trade of smuggling cigarettes in turn undermining the legitimate market for cigarette companies running and operating under legal channels of business. A brief on the United Kingdoms cigarette industry reveals that 1 in every 5 cigarettes is smuggled into the country, which adds to a huge20 present of the entire cigarette industry of United Kingdom. In similar context is the call for a ban on the sale of duty free cigarettes, as the primary objective behind the promotion of duty free sale of cigarettes, or for that matter any other product is reduction in illicit trade of that particular item. A ban on the duty free sale of cigarettes would practically jeopardize the regulated duty free retail of that product, and at the same time have a minimal effect on the sale of cigarettes. On the contrary a ban on the duty free sale of cigarettes would simply bring about a shift in the market of cigarettes from a duty free environment to one that is largely controlled by domestic market. Another related aspect of the cigarette vending industry is that of various standards and policies which are aimed at raising awareness about the potential health risks associated with smoking. Trade zones such as those found in European Union for example are ample grounds for such standards and policies to be levied, which in turn allow for uniform results as well as derive common interests amongst the respective countries. The non-smoking segment of the populations is yet another vital area of focus for cigarette manufacturing companies. As also a public health issue, the non-smokers are prone to, and thus demand protective measures from passive smoking. In this respect, there exist two schools of thought; one that disregards any findings and conclusions, which present cigarette smoke as a potential health hazard for non-smokers. This group though acknowledges that cigarette smoke is indeed a source of annoyance as well as one of the causes of environmental pollution. Yet, they also call for an approach based on simple logic and common sense and co-operation. While the second school of thought, such as M/Gallaher, one of the major cigarette manufacturing and marketing companies in the UK, contend that government initiatives including the â€Å"Air Quality program are viable and productive programs to address vital public smoking issues. Literature Reviews There have a number of writings and case studies, which prove the effectiveness of direct mail on the cigarette vending industry,. These writings and studies have convincingly proven that direct mail has had positive affect and its influences have directly contributed to the rise in cigarette sales, in turn promoting the cigarette vending industry in general. Thus, it would not be wrong to state, as also proven from the following case studies, that the direct mail strategy in the cigarette vending industry has proven to affect smoking initiation as well as consumption. A brief historical perspective also reveals that cigarette manufacturing companies the world over have significantly changed their focus from the traditional advertising tithe use of techniques which emphasize on developing as well as maintaining a relationship with individual customers. Direct mail through direct communication thus offers cigarette-vending industry source of generating sales including obtaining measurable response in related areas of marketing. (Pierce et al, 1998; Beemer and Siegel,2000; Safer and Chaloupka, 1999; Anderson et al, 2002; Slade, 2001;Lewis and Littler, 1999) One of the most effective techniques, and perhaps one of the oldest as well, is that of utilizing mailing list of individuals maintained by major and minor cigarette vending companies alike. It is this list of individuals or customers, which serves as the potential for direct mail for cigarette vending industry. This list is also used for the distribution of coupons, sweepstakes offers, and brand-loyalty programme catalogues. Also included in the items distributed through direct mail are event announcements sponsored by the cigarette vending industry, and magazines published by major tobacco manufacturing companies. Practically all these items which are sent to individuals using the direct mail system contain activities and feature images which serve a two-fold purpose. First, these promotional items are designed in such a manner to make emotional appeals to customers. Second, they serve to strengthen, rather reinforce the existing images of the various brands of cigarettes in the market. There are different modes of collecting such list of individuals, which includes events that are sponsored by the cigarette industry, sweepstake forms, signed coupons as well as brand-loyalty program orders. These listings more often than not include some form of a response mechanism, which invites recipients to fill out surveys for example, or mention their lifestyle preferences. A statistic covering the US cigarette industry with particular reference to the role of direct mail reveals that there has been general rising trend in the use of direct mail in the United States. Brief on the 6 largest US cigarette manufacturers showed that they collectively spend a staggering amount of US 133.9 million dollars on direct mail in 2001. This was an increase of 131.8 present from the figures of 1998. One may note that these huge figures do not include sums spent on coupons or specialty items distributed through the mail system. (USFTC, 2002) A survey carried out by a team of doctors at the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, in the United States provided for results which convincingly proved that direct mail in the cigarette vending industry not only enhanced initiation, but effectively raised the chances for potential smokers. This survey comprised of some 3900adults, and primarily focused on the answer to 3 questions. (University of Medicine and Dentistry NJ, 2002; SUDAAN, 2001) Questionnaire for the Survey Did any of the participant receive direct mail from a tobacco company within the last 6 months, including magazines, coupons, or catalogues. Did any of the participants use a coupon to buy cigarettes. Did any of the participants save any UPC codes, or tokens from any brand-loyalty programmes of a tobacco manufacturer. Results of the Survey The results of the above questionnaire from the selected adult participants showed that the current range of smoking populations were4 to 5 times more likely to have received direct mail within the past 6months as compared to those who had never smoked before or were belonged to the former smoking community. Second, the survey showed that smokers who had quit smoking in the last 12 months were 2 to 4 times more likely to receive direct mail as compared to those who had never smoked or those who belonged to the former smoking community. The survey also revealed that the white populations as compared to other groups of populations topped the list of individuals receiving direct mail offers for cigarettes or related material in aid of marketing for a given brand of cigarette. The use of coupons was found to be the highest amongst the female smoking community, white adults as well as those falling within the age group of 25 and 64 years. Similarly, saving for programs such as brand-reward programs was also found to be highest amongst current population of smokers, white segment of the population as well as the those falling within the age bracket of 18 and 24 years. Discussion on the Findings and Literature Review The above findings significantly provided evidence that direct mail served to increase the consumption of cigarettes, and subsequently ‘impede cessation. The said survey also found that coupons delivered through the direct mail to individuals were originally designed to bring about a reduction in prices of cigarettes, as well as simultaneously offset the impact of rise in taxes and other control measures levied by respective authorities. It was also found that programs offered through direct mail, such as brand-loyalty programs were intended to reward and encourage smokers through offer for additional purchases. The survey also revealed that direct mail marketing for cigarettes was originally designed to restrict switching of brands amongst customers. However, this strategy was only cover-up, and instead such direct mail offers allowed and in fact assisted smokers to continue smoking. The above literature review and survey on the role of direct mail on the cigarette vending industry shows numerous legislations, public campaigns against smoking, proven addictive behaviours resulting in serious health repercussions and rising awareness levels against thrill effects of smoking all have somewhat forced cigarette manufacturing companies the world over to adopt direct mail strategies. These direct mail strategies not only provide smokers with appealing and inviting messages; they move a step further and offer rewards for smoking. Direct mail also offers an excellent mode of communicating directly with customers, which is all too easily disguised and more than hidden from the piercing scrutiny of the public health community. It is also an effective strategy against rising restrictions on the different and traditional modes of advertising. In this respect a direct mail marketing plan of the world renowned Philip Morris also notes that direct mail is indeed one of the infl uencing factors in the use and consumption of cigarettes. (Slade, 2001; Strategic Plan, 1995) The above literature review and survey also reveals though direct mail is only one of the many marketing techniques adopted by cigarette vending industry, it is undoubtedly one which is witnessing continuous growth pattern, and one that is likely to grow in the future as well. The use of direct mail strategy is all the more worthy of concern as the cigarette vending industry is witnessed to continually change its marketing strategies in response to rising set of legislations and public opinion. It also a proven fact that practically all those involved in cigarette vending industry pursue a marketing strategy with a singular objective; one which aims to encourage initiation and consumption in smoking cigarettes. To curb such efforts, and to bring about a control for restricting such marketing strategies including direct mail, there is an ever-demanding need to fully comprehend marketing tactics utilized by cigarette vending industry. Included in these efforts is removal of the names of the individuals from the list maintained by cigarette vending industry by the smokers themselves as they decide to quit smoking. The exposure of probable intent on the part of cigarette vending industry and possible effects of such direct mail strategies along with measures, which serve as potential triggers, such as the presence of ashtrays, should also be taken into account. (Fiore et al, 2000; King, 2001) 2nd Literature Review In continuation with our dissertation on the effectiveness of direct mail on the cigarette vending industry, yet another research carried out by Lynn McFadden of the University of Strathclyde and published in the British Medical Journal issue of March 2001 is presented here. This research uncovers young peoples awareness about marketing strategies adopted by cigarette vending industry and their involvement and association with their smoking behaviours. One of the most successful methods of direct mail marketing is one, which is carried out at the point of sale. It is the venue of point of sale where a number of cigarette vending industrialists tend to focus, as also evident in the research findings of the University of Strathclyde. The research comprised of some 629 young people, aged between the ages of 15 and 16, and all of who had opted to be a part of the research through a postal consent procedure. The focus of the research, as also stated in the preceding lines waste examination of young peoples awareness of and involvement with cigarette marketing. The research also sought to determine the level of association, if any, amongst the group of young people between the level of awareness and the their smoking behaviours. The overall findings of the above research comprising of young people revealed an extra-ordinary high level of awareness and equally high levels of involvement of young people in the marketing strategies of cigarette vending industry. Out of the 629 participants involved in the research, some 95 present of them were more than aware of the various advertising techniques utilized by the cigarette vending industry, as also aware of the various methods utilized in the point of sale marketing. Thus, both the aspects, those of awareness and involvement with cigarette vending industry were strongly found to be related with being a smoker. This was more than proven from the statistics derived in the said research. For example out of the group of some 185 participants, 55 or a huge 30 present of the research participants admitted that they had received free gifts through coupons attached with the cigarette packs. A comparison with non-smoking community showed that only 11 present or 21 out of 199 participants had received fee gifts through coupons in the cigarette packs. Furthermore, it was also revealed in the same set of researches that aside from the awareness element about coupon schemes, participates were also equally aware about brand stretching and tobacco marketing, all of which were linked in some way or the other with their smoking habits. (DOH, 1992;Atiken et al, 1987; Led with, 1984; Charlton et al, 1997; Altman et al,1996; Aitken et al, 1991) The above research thus concluded the young populations aged 15 and16 were not only fully aware on the various aspects of cigarette marketing including direct mail and marketing at the point of sales; they were also more than associated with the different cigarette vending industries in the marketing of cigarettes and both the awareness and involvement in the marketing were linked with their smoking status and habits. These findings also called for a more stringent set of statutory legislations, as compared to the otherwise voluntary regulations which are primarily designed to protect these teenagers, and which have become somewhat ineffective. Other findings from the above carried out researches revealed and established the fact that the role of the mass media in advertising encouraged smoking amongst the younger populations. From a purely economics perspective, the same findings showed that expenditure on advertising pointed towards an increase in the prevalence, while a drop in the expenditures on advertising resulted in the subsequent drop in the prevalence of cigarette consumption, thereby proving a direct relationship between advertising and consumption of cigarettes. These studies focusing on the younger population showed that teenagers smoking cigarettes are more likely to appreciate as also be aware of the tobacco and cigarette advertising related sponsorships, merchandising and vending. In line with such studies, other cohort studies on the same segment of teenage smoking populations resulted in similar results and furthermore predicted a tendency of future smoking behaviours amongst the researched populations. (DOH, 1992; Aitken et al,1987; Led with, 1984; Charlton et al, 1997; Altman et al, 1996; Aitken al, 1991) A similar experiment involving some 2400 teenagers all aged a 15years, yet only differentiated by sex and postal addresses were taken for a research project from an area in the North of England. These teenagers were invited to participate in the research programme after due consent from their parents/guardians with the primary objective of deriving some 280 smokers from the total lot of participants. With response rate of more than 48 present, some 1062 responded to the call for invitation and studies carried out from the set of questionnaires mailed to each participant along with the consent form. The results obtained from the 1062 participant teenagers (all aged15 years) showed that one in every 5 teenager was involved in smoking,214 teenagers or 20 present of the respondents were regular smokers,825 or a huge 78 present not regular smokers, while 23 respondents or 2percent of the total respondents declined to divulge their smoking status. In continuation with the studies on the teenage smoking population, a random number of 373 respondents were gradually removed from the research list, as they were not regular smokers. The removal of these selected respondents further narrowed the research to those who were in the habit of, or were involved in smoking cigarettes. The number of respondents was now brought down from 1062, as also stated in the opening lines of these paragraphs, to 686 candidates only. These 686 teenage candidates were then interviewed through a team of professional interviewers, who were in turn instructed to make at least4 clear attempts to gain positive research results. The interviewers were not given any prior information as the status of smoking habits of the interviewed candidates so as to derive a transparent set of findings. Here too, the permission of the parents/guardians was sought prior to the interview, as well as a 5-Pound gift voucher was also handed to each candidate. In carrying out the above research 629 out of the total 686respondents were successfully interviewed. Those who were left out did so due to the passage of time, as by the time the research was concluded, the respondents had entered their 16th year, whereas the entire team of research candidates belonged to the 15 year old age bracket only. Each of the candidates was given two sets of questionnaires; one included a face to face interview with the teenage candidate, while the candidate in the presence of their guardians/parents filled out the second questionnaire. One may note that there was no influence of the parents presence on the part of the respondent teenagers. Each of the questionnaires resulted in the awareness, as well as the involvement of the candidates with the different techniques used in the marketing by the cigarette vending industry including direct mail marketing. The findings of the research revealed the smoking habits/status of the teenage candidates, their future intentions for smoking, education levels, and smoking by their peers, siblings, and whether their parents smoked or not. (DOH, 1992;Atiken et al, 1987; Led with, 1984; Charlton et al, 1997; Altman et al,1996; Aitken et al, 1991) A detailed analysis of the awareness element of the teenage group interviewed showed that in comparison to the non-smoking teenage population, those who smoked cigarettes were more than aware of practically all forms of marketing techniques including direct mail marketing. Information from the respondents showed that teenagers involved in smoking were also fully aware of the different types, but also knew about advertisements in magazines, newspapers, special price schemes, and offers for cigarettes. In addition, majority of the smoking teenage population had witnessed advertising on billboards, where more than fifty present of those interviewed had read about some form of cigarette marketing in the press. Also included were advertisements and marketing at point of sales, coupon schemes, and special price offers for cigarettes. Other findings from the research of the 15 year old teenagers revealed that 20 present of the said teenage population had witnessed some form of brand stretching, which included clothing or other items with logos of famous brands of cigarettes, new pack designs, the different and attractive nature and size of the cigarettes, free gifts offered through cigarettes, competitions, and watching famous personalities smoking in films and on television. Though at a lower level, there was awareness on the various promotional mails from cigarette vending industry, distribution of free cigarettes, and to some extent from the network, or the Internet. Thus, it was observed that young smokers were more than fully aware of practically all forms of cigarette marketing techniques including direct mail, in comparison to non-smokers or those who had tried to join the smoking populations. The awareness on the marketing aspect on the part of the teenage populations was more noticeable where free gifts, special price offers, promotional mail, and newer forms of cigarette packs and designs. Marketing of Cigarettes and Role of Teenagers As also stated in the above researched teenage smoking group, there was significant evidence to suggest the involvement and role of teenagers in the marketing of cigarettes including both direct mail and coupon schemes. It was also revealed there was little difference amongst male and female teenagers both of who participated somewhat equally in the marketing of cigarettes. A statistical break-up of the smoking teenager population and the non-smoking teenagers showed that more than fifty present of the smoking populations amongst the teenagers had willingly participated in one or other form of marketing for cigarette companies. In comparison, some 25 present of non-smokers and those who had tried smoking had also participated in some form of marketing for cigarettes. The above research on the teenage smoking population also showed that some 33 present of those interviewed had received free gifts through coupons schemes; another 25 present were in receipt of the special price offers for cigarettes, and a smaller 10 present of the teenage population had received free gifts through direct mail schemes at events organized by the cigarette vending company or received the same through promotional mail schemes. The above findings thus conclusively show that there is a more than strong relationship between awareness of each cigarette marketing technique and current smoking status while variable linked with teenage smoking are held constant. In particular, the awareness of coupon schemes and brand stretching are one way or the other linked to the enhanced probability of the individual being a current smoker, as also with having friends who smoke, siblings, or either parent being smoker. In this study, having friends as smokers was found to be a great influencing factor with the individual being a current smoker. The number of marketing techniques also varied and left a positive mark on the current smoking status and habit of the teenagers interviewed. Hereto, the presence of a close friend, either parent, or siblings was directly associated with an enhanced probability factor for a current smoker. A break up of the different marketing techniques to which the teenage populations are exposed show that package design or price promotion account for a larger exposure, as compared for example brand stretching and shop advertising, the latter of which had little or no effect on the teenage segment of the smoking population. In spite of the above findings, a common factor to emerge was that the young populations was observed to receive some form of benefit, reward, or reassurance from either of the cigarette vending industries; hence a reinforcement of smoking habits, or promotion of smoking amongst the teenage populations. These research more than confirms the need for a stronger set of legislation and laws. The research also calls for an equally tighter set of controls on the marketing techniques adopted by the cigarette vending industries across the United Kingdom. It also proves that the current voluntary form of regulations primarily designed to protect would be smokers, new smokers, and in particular teenage and younger populations are failing, and there is a greater and crucial need for revision of the same. The British Tobacco Advertising and Promotion Bill should be so designed to comprehensively ban some of the most famous forms of marketing such as coupon and brand stretching; the ban should move a step further and outlaw practically all forms and modes of marketing by the cigarette vending industry. Laws, Regulations and Loopholes Exploited by the Cigarette Vending Industry by Marketing/Promotion of Cigarettes This section of the dissertation will address some of the applicable laws and regulations presently levied in the United Kingdom as well as through the directives of the European Union for all member states respectively. It will also take into account the various loopholes and exploiting measures employed by the cigarette vending industry, as they bypass or practically ignore effective regulations to promote the sale of cigarettes, including various forms of direct mail, as also the subject of our above dissertation. One of the first sets of regulations is the European Union Directive98/43/EC, which was duly accepted as a law as of 30th July 1998. Theseus Directive specifically called for minimal tobacco advertising inside the shops. Though the directive contains a summary and overview of the measures and timetable for the implementation of the directive, the salient feature of this directive calls for member government of the European Union including United Kingdom to ban all forms of commercial communication as well as sponsorships, both of which primarily aim actor influence the promotion of tobacco products. An overview of the above said directive shows that though this covers vast area of advertising, and is largely utilized by the cigarette/tobacco vending industry to promote their respective products; the objective of the directive is to bring a halt to the transfer or changeover of promotion techniques used in the marketing of cigarettes. However, the same directive is all too easily exploited through loopholes and exemptions such as those enjoyed by the sellers of tobacco only, marketing at limited point of sales, imported publications, and use of vague language. Brand Stretching One of the areas which perhaps provide as one of the largest loopholes for the cigarette vending industry in their endeavours to market their brand of cigarettes is that of brand stretching. As also discussed in detail in the above present literature reviews and researches, brand stretching is the use of non-tobacco products and services to advertise tobacco and various cigarette brands. These include for example clothes with logos of famous cigarette brands, shoes, and other items, which though are one of the means for marketing; yet in reality they serve to attract the attention of current as well as would be smoker populations alike. This directive is one step short of a total ban on all forms of advertising including such direct mail advertising as utilized by Marlboro Classics, yet it allows governments to exempt advertising where the branding is visibly different from the brand of the cigarette and where advertising is done in good faith without clarifying the actual meaning of the phrase ‘good faith. Thus, we have a loophole duly utilized by the cigarette vending industry in the form of relaxation on such advertising, and use of such phrases as good faith. 3rd Literature Review An Insight into Advertising As One of the Strongest Forms of Direct mail Marketing Strategy Used by the Cigarette Vending Industry Studies carried out by British Governments health S Effectiveness of Direct Mail on Cigarette Vending Industry Effectiveness of Direct Mail on Cigarette Vending Industry The Effectiveness of Direct Mail on the Cigarette Vending Industry in the United Kingdom Irrespective of the mode and methods adopted for marketing, including direct mail, the cigarette vending industry continues to prosper not only in the United Kingdom, but also across the world. At the same time there is a continuous rise in the spread of a number of diseases directly related with smoking including chronic respiratory diseases, cardiovascular diseases and various types of cancers in turn leading to increased death rates amongst the smoking populations. One of the major causes of premature deaths in developing countries, the figures for United Kingdom alone show that approximately 120,000 individuals die every year from diseases directly related to smoking, which is an alarming 20 present of all deaths in a given year. A similar study on smoking also revealed that cancer alone accounts for nearly a third of all deaths from smoking, and another one sixth die from other causes related to smoking. Figures for the younger generation entering the smoking populations of the United Kingdom showed that there was a gradual rise between the years 1988 and 1997,and a somewhat similar rise in the figures amongst adult smoking populations. Marketing departments of cigarette manufacturing companies around the world would least care that an individual smoking cigarette on a regular basis more than doubles the risk of dying before he or she reaches the age of 65. If there is any consolation for these companies adopting various lucrative direct mail strategies for vending and marketing cigarettes, smoking by pregnant women have been found to result in severe repercussions for the foetus as well as new born baby. These include an increased risk of miscarriage, reduced birth weight and potential for prenatal deaths. In similar context, parents who continue to smoke after pregnancy invite increased chances of sudden death syndrome in their infants. The following dissertation will however limit its discussions and studies, and present its findings on the effectiveness of direct mail in the cigarette vending industry of the United Kingdom. (DOH, 1998) Introduction One of the most widely accepted facts and one that has been proven beyond any doubt is that smoking poses a number of health risks. In addition smokers are more than likely to contract certain diseases in comparison to those who do not smoke at all. It is also a fact that smoking is largely accepted as an addictive habit, and with the passage of time, and advances in the study of and implications of smoking alto openly reveal that today it is not merely an addictive habit; on the contrary it is a collection of human behaviours which also includes smoking. It must also be borne in mind that since it is an addiction, and for some indeed a very strong habit, it is wrong to assume that this habit cannot be given up. In fact, there have been numerous cases where individuals have totally given up smoking. It is precisely this line of approach that has made major cigarette manufacturers to print health warning instructions on all their respective packs of cigarettes. Furthermore, majority of the cigarette manufacturing companies around the world, including those of the United Kingdom comply with requisite regulations and legislations with respect of marketing, advertisement and sales of cigarettes. There are also companies, which have their own pack labelling policies, which go beyond the requisite legislation of the respective host country. It is perhaps this lapse, if one may wish to call it, which has allowed majority of cigarette manufacturing companies to guise their marketing, promotion, advertising and selling policies into a philosophy which acknowledges the right of the adult populations to smoke, and consequently respect and protect that particular right. (Pierce et al,1998; Beemer and Siegel, 2000; Safer and Chaloupka, 1999; Anderson etal, 2002; Slade, 2001; Lewis and Littler, 1999) In pursuance of the rights of the smokers, cigarette manufacturing companies also stand against any excessive price regulations and tax measures which are presumably aimed at reducing demand for cigarettes. An independent view of a number of tax and price measures levied by various countries including the United Kingdom reveal that the smoking populations are unduly punished for the pleasure of smoking, and governments largely fail to take into account the huge sums generated from revenues on the various taxes levied on cigarettes. These high rates of taxes levied on cigarettes then results in the illegal and often illicit trade of smuggling cigarettes in turn undermining the legitimate market for cigarette companies running and operating under legal channels of business. A brief on the United Kingdoms cigarette industry reveals that 1 in every 5 cigarettes is smuggled into the country, which adds to a huge20 present of the entire cigarette industry of United Kingdom. In similar context is the call for a ban on the sale of duty free cigarettes, as the primary objective behind the promotion of duty free sale of cigarettes, or for that matter any other product is reduction in illicit trade of that particular item. A ban on the duty free sale of cigarettes would practically jeopardize the regulated duty free retail of that product, and at the same time have a minimal effect on the sale of cigarettes. On the contrary a ban on the duty free sale of cigarettes would simply bring about a shift in the market of cigarettes from a duty free environment to one that is largely controlled by domestic market. Another related aspect of the cigarette vending industry is that of various standards and policies which are aimed at raising awareness about the potential health risks associated with smoking. Trade zones such as those found in European Union for example are ample grounds for such standards and policies to be levied, which in turn allow for uniform results as well as derive common interests amongst the respective countries. The non-smoking segment of the populations is yet another vital area of focus for cigarette manufacturing companies. As also a public health issue, the non-smokers are prone to, and thus demand protective measures from passive smoking. In this respect, there exist two schools of thought; one that disregards any findings and conclusions, which present cigarette smoke as a potential health hazard for non-smokers. This group though acknowledges that cigarette smoke is indeed a source of annoyance as well as one of the causes of environmental pollution. Yet, they also call for an approach based on simple logic and common sense and co-operation. While the second school of thought, such as M/Gallaher, one of the major cigarette manufacturing and marketing companies in the UK, contend that government initiatives including the â€Å"Air Quality program are viable and productive programs to address vital public smoking issues. Literature Reviews There have a number of writings and case studies, which prove the effectiveness of direct mail on the cigarette vending industry,. These writings and studies have convincingly proven that direct mail has had positive affect and its influences have directly contributed to the rise in cigarette sales, in turn promoting the cigarette vending industry in general. Thus, it would not be wrong to state, as also proven from the following case studies, that the direct mail strategy in the cigarette vending industry has proven to affect smoking initiation as well as consumption. A brief historical perspective also reveals that cigarette manufacturing companies the world over have significantly changed their focus from the traditional advertising tithe use of techniques which emphasize on developing as well as maintaining a relationship with individual customers. Direct mail through direct communication thus offers cigarette-vending industry source of generating sales including obtaining measurable response in related areas of marketing. (Pierce et al, 1998; Beemer and Siegel,2000; Safer and Chaloupka, 1999; Anderson et al, 2002; Slade, 2001;Lewis and Littler, 1999) One of the most effective techniques, and perhaps one of the oldest as well, is that of utilizing mailing list of individuals maintained by major and minor cigarette vending companies alike. It is this list of individuals or customers, which serves as the potential for direct mail for cigarette vending industry. This list is also used for the distribution of coupons, sweepstakes offers, and brand-loyalty programme catalogues. Also included in the items distributed through direct mail are event announcements sponsored by the cigarette vending industry, and magazines published by major tobacco manufacturing companies. Practically all these items which are sent to individuals using the direct mail system contain activities and feature images which serve a two-fold purpose. First, these promotional items are designed in such a manner to make emotional appeals to customers. Second, they serve to strengthen, rather reinforce the existing images of the various brands of cigarettes in the market. There are different modes of collecting such list of individuals, which includes events that are sponsored by the cigarette industry, sweepstake forms, signed coupons as well as brand-loyalty program orders. These listings more often than not include some form of a response mechanism, which invites recipients to fill out surveys for example, or mention their lifestyle preferences. A statistic covering the US cigarette industry with particular reference to the role of direct mail reveals that there has been general rising trend in the use of direct mail in the United States. Brief on the 6 largest US cigarette manufacturers showed that they collectively spend a staggering amount of US 133.9 million dollars on direct mail in 2001. This was an increase of 131.8 present from the figures of 1998. One may note that these huge figures do not include sums spent on coupons or specialty items distributed through the mail system. (USFTC, 2002) A survey carried out by a team of doctors at the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, in the United States provided for results which convincingly proved that direct mail in the cigarette vending industry not only enhanced initiation, but effectively raised the chances for potential smokers. This survey comprised of some 3900adults, and primarily focused on the answer to 3 questions. (University of Medicine and Dentistry NJ, 2002; SUDAAN, 2001) Questionnaire for the Survey Did any of the participant receive direct mail from a tobacco company within the last 6 months, including magazines, coupons, or catalogues. Did any of the participants use a coupon to buy cigarettes. Did any of the participants save any UPC codes, or tokens from any brand-loyalty programmes of a tobacco manufacturer. Results of the Survey The results of the above questionnaire from the selected adult participants showed that the current range of smoking populations were4 to 5 times more likely to have received direct mail within the past 6months as compared to those who had never smoked before or were belonged to the former smoking community. Second, the survey showed that smokers who had quit smoking in the last 12 months were 2 to 4 times more likely to receive direct mail as compared to those who had never smoked or those who belonged to the former smoking community. The survey also revealed that the white populations as compared to other groups of populations topped the list of individuals receiving direct mail offers for cigarettes or related material in aid of marketing for a given brand of cigarette. The use of coupons was found to be the highest amongst the female smoking community, white adults as well as those falling within the age group of 25 and 64 years. Similarly, saving for programs such as brand-reward programs was also found to be highest amongst current population of smokers, white segment of the population as well as the those falling within the age bracket of 18 and 24 years. Discussion on the Findings and Literature Review The above findings significantly provided evidence that direct mail served to increase the consumption of cigarettes, and subsequently ‘impede cessation. The said survey also found that coupons delivered through the direct mail to individuals were originally designed to bring about a reduction in prices of cigarettes, as well as simultaneously offset the impact of rise in taxes and other control measures levied by respective authorities. It was also found that programs offered through direct mail, such as brand-loyalty programs were intended to reward and encourage smokers through offer for additional purchases. The survey also revealed that direct mail marketing for cigarettes was originally designed to restrict switching of brands amongst customers. However, this strategy was only cover-up, and instead such direct mail offers allowed and in fact assisted smokers to continue smoking. The above literature review and survey on the role of direct mail on the cigarette vending industry shows numerous legislations, public campaigns against smoking, proven addictive behaviours resulting in serious health repercussions and rising awareness levels against thrill effects of smoking all have somewhat forced cigarette manufacturing companies the world over to adopt direct mail strategies. These direct mail strategies not only provide smokers with appealing and inviting messages; they move a step further and offer rewards for smoking. Direct mail also offers an excellent mode of communicating directly with customers, which is all too easily disguised and more than hidden from the piercing scrutiny of the public health community. It is also an effective strategy against rising restrictions on the different and traditional modes of advertising. In this respect a direct mail marketing plan of the world renowned Philip Morris also notes that direct mail is indeed one of the infl uencing factors in the use and consumption of cigarettes. (Slade, 2001; Strategic Plan, 1995) The above literature review and survey also reveals though direct mail is only one of the many marketing techniques adopted by cigarette vending industry, it is undoubtedly one which is witnessing continuous growth pattern, and one that is likely to grow in the future as well. The use of direct mail strategy is all the more worthy of concern as the cigarette vending industry is witnessed to continually change its marketing strategies in response to rising set of legislations and public opinion. It also a proven fact that practically all those involved in cigarette vending industry pursue a marketing strategy with a singular objective; one which aims to encourage initiation and consumption in smoking cigarettes. To curb such efforts, and to bring about a control for restricting such marketing strategies including direct mail, there is an ever-demanding need to fully comprehend marketing tactics utilized by cigarette vending industry. Included in these efforts is removal of the names of the individuals from the list maintained by cigarette vending industry by the smokers themselves as they decide to quit smoking. The exposure of probable intent on the part of cigarette vending industry and possible effects of such direct mail strategies along with measures, which serve as potential triggers, such as the presence of ashtrays, should also be taken into account. (Fiore et al, 2000; King, 2001) 2nd Literature Review In continuation with our dissertation on the effectiveness of direct mail on the cigarette vending industry, yet another research carried out by Lynn McFadden of the University of Strathclyde and published in the British Medical Journal issue of March 2001 is presented here. This research uncovers young peoples awareness about marketing strategies adopted by cigarette vending industry and their involvement and association with their smoking behaviours. One of the most successful methods of direct mail marketing is one, which is carried out at the point of sale. It is the venue of point of sale where a number of cigarette vending industrialists tend to focus, as also evident in the research findings of the University of Strathclyde. The research comprised of some 629 young people, aged between the ages of 15 and 16, and all of who had opted to be a part of the research through a postal consent procedure. The focus of the research, as also stated in the preceding lines waste examination of young peoples awareness of and involvement with cigarette marketing. The research also sought to determine the level of association, if any, amongst the group of young people between the level of awareness and the their smoking behaviours. The overall findings of the above research comprising of young people revealed an extra-ordinary high level of awareness and equally high levels of involvement of young people in the marketing strategies of cigarette vending industry. Out of the 629 participants involved in the research, some 95 present of them were more than aware of the various advertising techniques utilized by the cigarette vending industry, as also aware of the various methods utilized in the point of sale marketing. Thus, both the aspects, those of awareness and involvement with cigarette vending industry were strongly found to be related with being a smoker. This was more than proven from the statistics derived in the said research. For example out of the group of some 185 participants, 55 or a huge 30 present of the research participants admitted that they had received free gifts through coupons attached with the cigarette packs. A comparison with non-smoking community showed that only 11 present or 21 out of 199 participants had received fee gifts through coupons in the cigarette packs. Furthermore, it was also revealed in the same set of researches that aside from the awareness element about coupon schemes, participates were also equally aware about brand stretching and tobacco marketing, all of which were linked in some way or the other with their smoking habits. (DOH, 1992;Atiken et al, 1987; Led with, 1984; Charlton et al, 1997; Altman et al,1996; Aitken et al, 1991) The above research thus concluded the young populations aged 15 and16 were not only fully aware on the various aspects of cigarette marketing including direct mail and marketing at the point of sales; they were also more than associated with the different cigarette vending industries in the marketing of cigarettes and both the awareness and involvement in the marketing were linked with their smoking status and habits. These findings also called for a more stringent set of statutory legislations, as compared to the otherwise voluntary regulations which are primarily designed to protect these teenagers, and which have become somewhat ineffective. Other findings from the above carried out researches revealed and established the fact that the role of the mass media in advertising encouraged smoking amongst the younger populations. From a purely economics perspective, the same findings showed that expenditure on advertising pointed towards an increase in the prevalence, while a drop in the expenditures on advertising resulted in the subsequent drop in the prevalence of cigarette consumption, thereby proving a direct relationship between advertising and consumption of cigarettes. These studies focusing on the younger population showed that teenagers smoking cigarettes are more likely to appreciate as also be aware of the tobacco and cigarette advertising related sponsorships, merchandising and vending. In line with such studies, other cohort studies on the same segment of teenage smoking populations resulted in similar results and furthermore predicted a tendency of future smoking behaviours amongst the researched populations. (DOH, 1992; Aitken et al,1987; Led with, 1984; Charlton et al, 1997; Altman et al, 1996; Aitken al, 1991) A similar experiment involving some 2400 teenagers all aged a 15years, yet only differentiated by sex and postal addresses were taken for a research project from an area in the North of England. These teenagers were invited to participate in the research programme after due consent from their parents/guardians with the primary objective of deriving some 280 smokers from the total lot of participants. With response rate of more than 48 present, some 1062 responded to the call for invitation and studies carried out from the set of questionnaires mailed to each participant along with the consent form. The results obtained from the 1062 participant teenagers (all aged15 years) showed that one in every 5 teenager was involved in smoking,214 teenagers or 20 present of the respondents were regular smokers,825 or a huge 78 present not regular smokers, while 23 respondents or 2percent of the total respondents declined to divulge their smoking status. In continuation with the studies on the teenage smoking population, a random number of 373 respondents were gradually removed from the research list, as they were not regular smokers. The removal of these selected respondents further narrowed the research to those who were in the habit of, or were involved in smoking cigarettes. The number of respondents was now brought down from 1062, as also stated in the opening lines of these paragraphs, to 686 candidates only. These 686 teenage candidates were then interviewed through a team of professional interviewers, who were in turn instructed to make at least4 clear attempts to gain positive research results. The interviewers were not given any prior information as the status of smoking habits of the interviewed candidates so as to derive a transparent set of findings. Here too, the permission of the parents/guardians was sought prior to the interview, as well as a 5-Pound gift voucher was also handed to each candidate. In carrying out the above research 629 out of the total 686respondents were successfully interviewed. Those who were left out did so due to the passage of time, as by the time the research was concluded, the respondents had entered their 16th year, whereas the entire team of research candidates belonged to the 15 year old age bracket only. Each of the candidates was given two sets of questionnaires; one included a face to face interview with the teenage candidate, while the candidate in the presence of their guardians/parents filled out the second questionnaire. One may note that there was no influence of the parents presence on the part of the respondent teenagers. Each of the questionnaires resulted in the awareness, as well as the involvement of the candidates with the different techniques used in the marketing by the cigarette vending industry including direct mail marketing. The findings of the research revealed the smoking habits/status of the teenage candidates, their future intentions for smoking, education levels, and smoking by their peers, siblings, and whether their parents smoked or not. (DOH, 1992;Atiken et al, 1987; Led with, 1984; Charlton et al, 1997; Altman et al,1996; Aitken et al, 1991) A detailed analysis of the awareness element of the teenage group interviewed showed that in comparison to the non-smoking teenage population, those who smoked cigarettes were more than aware of practically all forms of marketing techniques including direct mail marketing. Information from the respondents showed that teenagers involved in smoking were also fully aware of the different types, but also knew about advertisements in magazines, newspapers, special price schemes, and offers for cigarettes. In addition, majority of the smoking teenage population had witnessed advertising on billboards, where more than fifty present of those interviewed had read about some form of cigarette marketing in the press. Also included were advertisements and marketing at point of sales, coupon schemes, and special price offers for cigarettes. Other findings from the research of the 15 year old teenagers revealed that 20 present of the said teenage population had witnessed some form of brand stretching, which included clothing or other items with logos of famous brands of cigarettes, new pack designs, the different and attractive nature and size of the cigarettes, free gifts offered through cigarettes, competitions, and watching famous personalities smoking in films and on television. Though at a lower level, there was awareness on the various promotional mails from cigarette vending industry, distribution of free cigarettes, and to some extent from the network, or the Internet. Thus, it was observed that young smokers were more than fully aware of practically all forms of cigarette marketing techniques including direct mail, in comparison to non-smokers or those who had tried to join the smoking populations. The awareness on the marketing aspect on the part of the teenage populations was more noticeable where free gifts, special price offers, promotional mail, and newer forms of cigarette packs and designs. Marketing of Cigarettes and Role of Teenagers As also stated in the above researched teenage smoking group, there was significant evidence to suggest the involvement and role of teenagers in the marketing of cigarettes including both direct mail and coupon schemes. It was also revealed there was little difference amongst male and female teenagers both of who participated somewhat equally in the marketing of cigarettes. A statistical break-up of the smoking teenager population and the non-smoking teenagers showed that more than fifty present of the smoking populations amongst the teenagers had willingly participated in one or other form of marketing for cigarette companies. In comparison, some 25 present of non-smokers and those who had tried smoking had also participated in some form of marketing for cigarettes. The above research on the teenage smoking population also showed that some 33 present of those interviewed had received free gifts through coupons schemes; another 25 present were in receipt of the special price offers for cigarettes, and a smaller 10 present of the teenage population had received free gifts through direct mail schemes at events organized by the cigarette vending company or received the same through promotional mail schemes. The above findings thus conclusively show that there is a more than strong relationship between awareness of each cigarette marketing technique and current smoking status while variable linked with teenage smoking are held constant. In particular, the awareness of coupon schemes and brand stretching are one way or the other linked to the enhanced probability of the individual being a current smoker, as also with having friends who smoke, siblings, or either parent being smoker. In this study, having friends as smokers was found to be a great influencing factor with the individual being a current smoker. The number of marketing techniques also varied and left a positive mark on the current smoking status and habit of the teenagers interviewed. Hereto, the presence of a close friend, either parent, or siblings was directly associated with an enhanced probability factor for a current smoker. A break up of the different marketing techniques to which the teenage populations are exposed show that package design or price promotion account for a larger exposure, as compared for example brand stretching and shop advertising, the latter of which had little or no effect on the teenage segment of the smoking population. In spite of the above findings, a common factor to emerge was that the young populations was observed to receive some form of benefit, reward, or reassurance from either of the cigarette vending industries; hence a reinforcement of smoking habits, or promotion of smoking amongst the teenage populations. These research more than confirms the need for a stronger set of legislation and laws. The research also calls for an equally tighter set of controls on the marketing techniques adopted by the cigarette vending industries across the United Kingdom. It also proves that the current voluntary form of regulations primarily designed to protect would be smokers, new smokers, and in particular teenage and younger populations are failing, and there is a greater and crucial need for revision of the same. The British Tobacco Advertising and Promotion Bill should be so designed to comprehensively ban some of the most famous forms of marketing such as coupon and brand stretching; the ban should move a step further and outlaw practically all forms and modes of marketing by the cigarette vending industry. Laws, Regulations and Loopholes Exploited by the Cigarette Vending Industry by Marketing/Promotion of Cigarettes This section of the dissertation will address some of the applicable laws and regulations presently levied in the United Kingdom as well as through the directives of the European Union for all member states respectively. It will also take into account the various loopholes and exploiting measures employed by the cigarette vending industry, as they bypass or practically ignore effective regulations to promote the sale of cigarettes, including various forms of direct mail, as also the subject of our above dissertation. One of the first sets of regulations is the European Union Directive98/43/EC, which was duly accepted as a law as of 30th July 1998. Theseus Directive specifically called for minimal tobacco advertising inside the shops. Though the directive contains a summary and overview of the measures and timetable for the implementation of the directive, the salient feature of this directive calls for member government of the European Union including United Kingdom to ban all forms of commercial communication as well as sponsorships, both of which primarily aim actor influence the promotion of tobacco products. An overview of the above said directive shows that though this covers vast area of advertising, and is largely utilized by the cigarette/tobacco vending industry to promote their respective products; the objective of the directive is to bring a halt to the transfer or changeover of promotion techniques used in the marketing of cigarettes. However, the same directive is all too easily exploited through loopholes and exemptions such as those enjoyed by the sellers of tobacco only, marketing at limited point of sales, imported publications, and use of vague language. Brand Stretching One of the areas which perhaps provide as one of the largest loopholes for the cigarette vending industry in their endeavours to market their brand of cigarettes is that of brand stretching. As also discussed in detail in the above present literature reviews and researches, brand stretching is the use of non-tobacco products and services to advertise tobacco and various cigarette brands. These include for example clothes with logos of famous cigarette brands, shoes, and other items, which though are one of the means for marketing; yet in reality they serve to attract the attention of current as well as would be smoker populations alike. This directive is one step short of a total ban on all forms of advertising including such direct mail advertising as utilized by Marlboro Classics, yet it allows governments to exempt advertising where the branding is visibly different from the brand of the cigarette and where advertising is done in good faith without clarifying the actual meaning of the phrase ‘good faith. Thus, we have a loophole duly utilized by the cigarette vending industry in the form of relaxation on such advertising, and use of such phrases as good faith. 3rd Literature Review An Insight into Advertising As One of the Strongest Forms of Direct mail Marketing Strategy Used by the Cigarette Vending Industry Studies carried out by British Governments health S

Physician-Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia - Pro and Con :: Euthanasia Physician Assisted Suicide

Euthanasia - Pro and Con Abstract This paper will define Euthanasia and assisted suicide. Euthanasia is often confused with and associated with assisted suicide, definitions of the two are required. Two perspectives shall be presented in this paper. The first perspective will favor euthanasia or the "right to die," the second perspective will favor antieuthanasia, or the "right to live". Each perspective shall endeavor to clarify the legal, moral and ethical ramifications or aspects of euthanasia. Thesis Statement Euthanasia, also mercy killing, is the practice of ending a life so as to release an individual from an incurable disease or intolerable suffering. Euthanasia is a merciful means to and end of long-term suffering. Euthanasia is a relatively new dilemma for the United States and has gained a bad reputation from negative media hype surrounding assisted suicides. Euthanasia has a purpose and should be evaluated as humanely filling a void created by our sometimes inhumane modern society. Antithesis Statement Euthanasia is nothing less than cold-blooded killing. Euthanasia cheapens life, even more so than the very divisive issue of abortion. Euthanasia is morally and ethically wrong and should be banned in these United States. Modern medicine has evolved by leaps and bounds recently, euthanasia resets these medical advances back by years and reduces today's Medical Doctors to administrators of death. Euthanasia defined The term Euthanasia is used generally to refer to an easy or painless death. Voluntary euthanasia involves a request by the dying patient or that person's legal representative. Passive or negative euthanasia involves not doing something to prevent death-that is, allowing someone to die; active or positive euthanasia involves taking deliberate action to cause a death. Euthanasia is often mistaken or associated with for assisted suicide, a distant cousin of euthanasia, in which a person wishes to commit suicide but feels unable to perform the act alone because of a physical disability or lack of knowledge about the most effective means. An individual who assists a suicide victim in accomplishing that goal may or may not be held responsible for the death, depending on local laws. There is a distinct difference between euthanasia and assisted suicide. This paper targets euthanasia; pros and cons,

The Host Chapter 28: Unenlightened

It was disorienting to wake in the absolute dark. In the past months, I'd gotten used to having the sun tell me it was morning. At first I thought it must still be night, but then, feeling the sting of my face and the ache of my back, I remembered where I was. Beside me, I could hear the sound of quiet, even breathing; it did not frighten me, because it was the most familiar of sounds here. I was not surprised that Jamie had crept back and slept beside me last night. Maybe it was the change in my breathing that woke him; maybe it was just that our schedules had become synchronized. But seconds after I was conscious, he gave a little gasp. â€Å"Wanda?† he whispered. â€Å"I'm right here.† He sighed in relief. â€Å"It's really dark here,† he said. â€Å"Yes.† â€Å"You think it's breakfast time yet?† â€Å"I don't know.† â€Å"I'm hungry. Let's go see.† I didn't answer him. He interpreted my silence correctly, as the balk it was. â€Å"You don't have to hide out here, Wanda,† he said earnestly, after waiting a moment for me to speak. â€Å"I talked to Jared last night. He's going to stop picking on you-he promised.† I almost smiled. Picking on me. â€Å"Will you come with me?† Jamie pressed. His hand found mine. â€Å"Is that what you really want me to do?† I asked in a low voice. â€Å"Yes. Everything will be the same as it was before.† Mel? Is this best? I don't know. She was torn. She knew she couldn't be objective; she wanted to see Jared. That's crazy, you know. Not as crazy as the fact that you want to see him, too. â€Å"Fine, Jamie,† I agreed. â€Å"But don't get upset when it's not the same as before, okay? If things get ugly†¦ Well, just don't be surprised.† â€Å"It'll be okay. You'll see.† I let him lead the way out of the dark, towing me by the hand he still held. I braced myself as we entered the big garden cavern; I couldn't be sure of anyone's reaction to me today. Who knew what had been said as I slept? But the garden was empty, though the sun was bright in the morning sky. It reflected off the hundreds of mirrors, momentarily blinding me. Jamie was not interested in the vacant cave. His eyes were on my face, and he sucked in a sharp breath through his teeth as the light touched my cheek. â€Å"Oh,† he gasped. â€Å"Are you okay? Does that hurt bad?† I touched my face lightly. The skin felt rough-grit crusted in the blood. It throbbed where my fingers brushed. â€Å"It's fine,† I whispered; the empty cavern made me wary-I didn't want to speak too loudly. â€Å"Where is everybody?† Jamie shrugged, his eyes still tight as they surveyed my face. â€Å"Busy, I guess.† He didn't lower his voice. This reminded me of last night, of the secret he wouldn't tell me. My eyebrows pulled together. What do you think he's not telling us? You know what I know, Wanda. You're human. Aren't you supposed to have intuition or something? Intuition? My intuition tells me that we don't know this place as well as we thought we did, Melanie said. We pondered the ominous sound of that. It was almost a relief to hear the normal noises of mealtime coming from the kitchen corridor. I didn't particularly want to see anyone-besides the sick yearning to see Jared, of course-but the unpopulated tunnels, combined with the knowledge that something was being kept from me, made me edgy. The kitchen was not even half full-an oddity for this time of the morning. But I barely noticed that, because the smell coming from the banked stone oven overruled every other thought. â€Å"Oooh,† Jamie moaned. â€Å"Eggs!† Jamie pulled me faster now, and I had no reluctance to keep pace with him. We hurried, stomachs growling, to the counter by the oven where Lucina, the mother, stood with a plastic ladle in her hand. Breakfast was usually serve-yourself, but then breakfast was also usually tough bread rolls. She looked only at the boy as she spoke. â€Å"They tasted better an hour ago.† â€Å"They'll taste just fine now,† Jamie countered enthusiastically. â€Å"Has everyone eaten?† â€Å"Pretty much. I think they took a tray down to Doc and the rest†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Lucina trailed off, and her eyes flickered to me for the first time; Jamie's eyes did the same. I didn't understand the expression that crossed Lucina's features-it disappeared too quickly, replaced by something else as she appraised the new marks on my face. â€Å"How much is left?† Jamie asked. His eagerness sounded a trifle forced now. Lucina turned and bent, tugging a metal pan off the hot stones in the bottom of the oven with the bowl of the ladle. â€Å"How much do you want, Jamie? There's plenty,† she told him without turning. â€Å"Pretend I'm Kyle,† he said with a laugh. â€Å"A Kyle-sized portion it is,† Lucina said, but when she smiled, her eyes were unhappy. She filled one of the soup bowls to overflowing with slightly rubbery scrambled eggs, stood up, and handed it to Jamie. She eyed me again, and I understood what this look was for. â€Å"Let's sit over there, Jamie,† I said, nudging him away from the counter. He stared in amazement. â€Å"Don't you want any?† â€Å"No, I'm -† I was about to say â€Å"fine† again, when my stomach gurgled disobediently. â€Å"Wanda?† He looked at me, then back at Lucina, who had her arms folded across her chest. â€Å"I'll just have bread,† I muttered, trying to shove him away. â€Å"No. Lucina, what's the problem?† He looked at her expectantly. She didn't move. â€Å"If you're done here, I'll take over,† he suggested, his eyes narrowing and his mouth setting in a stubborn line. Lucina shrugged and set the ladle on the stone counter. She walked away slowly, not looking at me again. â€Å"Jamie,† I muttered urgently under my breath. â€Å"This food isn't meant for me. Jared and the others weren't risking their lives so that I could have eggs for breakfast. Bread is fine.† â€Å"Don't be stupid, Wanda,† Jamie said. â€Å"You live here now, just like the rest of us. Nobody minds it when you wash their clothes or bake their bread. Besides, these eggs aren't going to last much longer. If you don't eat them, they'll get thrown out.† I felt all the eyes in the room boring into my back. â€Å"That might be preferable to some,† I said even more quietly. No one but Jamie could possibly hear. â€Å"Forget that,† Jamie growled. He hopped over the counter and filled another bowl with eggs, which he then shoved at me. â€Å"You're going to eat every bite,† he told me resolutely. I looked at the bowl. My mouth watered. I pushed the eggs a few inches away from me and then folded my arms. Jamie frowned. â€Å"Fine,† he said, and shoved his own bowl across the counter. â€Å"You don't eat, I don't eat.† His stomach grumbled audibly. He folded his arms across his chest. We stared at each other for two long minutes, both our stomachs rumbling as we inhaled the smell of the eggs. Every now and then, he would peek down at the food out of the corner of his eye. That's what beat me-the longing look in his eyes. â€Å"Fine,† I huffed. I slid his bowl back to him and then retrieved my own. He waited until I took the first bite to touch his. I stifled a moan as the taste registered on my tongue. I knew the cooled, rubbery eggs weren't the best thing I'd ever tasted, but that's how it felt. This body lived for the present. Jamie had a similar reaction. And then he started shoveling the food into his mouth so fast it seemed he didn't have time to breathe. I watched him to make sure he didn't choke. I ate more slowly, hoping that I'd be able to convince him to eat some of mine when he was done. That was when, with our minor standoff over and my stomach satisfied, I finally noticed the atmosphere in the kitchen. I would have expected, with the excitement of eggs for breakfast after months of monotony, more of a feeling of celebration. But the air was somber, the conversations all whispered. Was this a reaction to the scene last night? I scanned the room, trying to understand. People were looking at me, a few here and there, but they weren't the only ones talking in serious whispers, and the others paid me no mind at all. Besides, none of them seemed angry or guilty or tense or any of the other emotions I was expecting. No, they were sad. Despair was etched on every face in the room. Sharon was the last person I noticed, eating in a distant corner, keeping to herself as usual. She was so composed as she mechanically ate her breakfast that at first I didn't notice the tears dripping in streaks down her face. They fell into her food, but she ate as if she were beyond noticing. â€Å"Is something wrong with Doc?† I whispered to Jamie, suddenly afraid. I wondered if I was being paranoid-maybe this had nothing to do with me. The sadness in the room seemed to be part of some other human drama from which I'd been excluded. Was this what was keeping everyone busy? Had there been an accident? Jamie looked at Sharon and sighed before he answered me. â€Å"No, Doc's fine.† â€Å"Aunt Maggie? Is she hurt?† He shook his head. â€Å"Where's Walter?† I demanded, still whispering. I felt a gnawing anxiety as I thought of harm befalling one of my companions here, even those who hated me. â€Å"I don't know. He's fine, I'm sure.† I realized now that Jamie was just as sad as everyone else here. â€Å"What's wrong, Jamie? Why are you upset?† Jamie looked down at his eggs, eating them slowly and deliberately now, and did not answer me. He finished in silence. I tried to pass him what was left in my bowl, but he glowered so fiercely that I took it back and ate the rest without any more resistance. We added our bowls to the big plastic bin of dirty dishes. It was full, so I took it from the counter. I wasn't sure what was going on in the caves today, but dishes ought to be a safe occupation. Jamie came along beside me, his eyes alert. I didn't like that. I wouldn't allow him to act as my bodyguard, if the necessity arose. But then, as we made our way around the edge of the big field, my regular bodyguard found me, so it became a moot point. Ian was filthy; light brown dust covered him from head to toe, darker where it was wet with his sweat. The brown streaks smeared across his face did not disguise the exhaustion there. I was not surprised to see that he was just as down as everyone else. But the dust did make me curious. It was not the purple black dust inside the caves. Ian had been outside this morning. â€Å"There you are,† he murmured when he saw us. He was walking swiftly, his long legs cutting the distance with anxious strides. When he reached us, he did not slow, but rather caught me under the elbow and hurried me forward. â€Å"Let's duck in here for a minute.† He pulled me into the narrow tunnel mouth that led toward the eastern field, where the corn was almost ripe. He did not lead me far, just into the darkness where we were invisible from the big room. I felt Jamie's hand rest lightly on my other arm. After half a minute, deep voices echoed through the big cavern. They were not boisterous-they were somber, as depressed as any of the faces I'd read this morning. The voices passed us, close by the crack where we hid, and Ian's hand tensed on my elbow, his fingers pressing into the soft spots above the bone. I recognized Jared's voice, and Kyle's. Melanie strained against my control, and my control was tenuous anyway. We both wanted to see Jared's face. It was a good thing Ian held us back. â€Å"†¦ don't know why we let him keep trying. When it's over, it's over,† Jared was saying. â€Å"He really thought he had it this time. He was so sure†¦ Oh, well. It will be worth all this if he figures it out someday,† Kyle disagreed. â€Å"If.† Jared snorted. â€Å"I guess it's a good thing we found that brandy. Doc's going to blow through the whole crate by nightfall at the rate he's going.† â€Å"He'll pass out soon enough,† Kyle said, his voice beginning to fade in the distance. â€Å"I wish Sharon would†¦Ã¢â‚¬  And then I couldn't make out any more. Ian waited until the voices faded completely, and then a few minutes more, before he finally released my arm. â€Å"Jared promised,† Jamie muttered to him. â€Å"Yeah, but Kyle didn't,† Ian answered. They walked back out into the light. I followed slowly behind them, not sure what I was feeling. Ian noticed for the first time what I carried. â€Å"No dishes now,† he told me. â€Å"Let's give them a chance to clean up and move on.† I thought about asking him why he was dirty, but probably, like Jamie, he would refuse to answer. I turned to stare at the tunnel that led toward the rivers, speculating. Ian made an angry sound. I looked back at him, frightened, and then realized what had upset him-he'd only just seen my face. He raised his hand as if to lift my chin, but I flinched and he dropped it. â€Å"That makes me so sick,† he said, and his voice truly did sound as if he were nauseated. â€Å"And worse, knowing that if I hadn't stayed behind, I might have been the one to do it†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I shook my head at him. â€Å"It's nothing, Ian.† â€Å"I don't agree with that,† he muttered, and then he spoke to Jamie. â€Å"You probably ought to get to school. It's better that we get everything back to normal as soon as possible.† Jamie groaned. â€Å"Sharon will be a nightmare today.† Ian grinned. â€Å"Time to take one for the team, kid. I don't envy you.† Jamie sighed and kicked the dirt. â€Å"Keep an eye on Wanda.† â€Å"Will do.† Jamie shuffled away, casting glances back at us every few minutes until he disappeared into another tunnel. â€Å"Here, give me those,† Ian said, pulling the bin of dishes from me before I could respond. â€Å"They weren't too heavy for me,† I told him. He grinned again. â€Å"I feel silly standing here with my arms empty while you lug these around. Chalk it up to gallantry. C'mon-let's go relax somewhere out of the way until the coast is clear.† His words troubled me, and I followed him in silence. Why should gallantry apply to me? He walked all the way to the cornfield, and then into the cornfield, stepping in the low part of the furrow, between the stalks. I trailed behind him until he stopped, somewhere in the middle of the field, set the dishes aside, and sprawled out on the dirt. â€Å"Well, this is out of the way,† I said as I settled to the ground beside him, crossing my legs. â€Å"But shouldn't we be working?† â€Å"You work too hard, Wanda. You're the only one who never takes a day off.† â€Å"It gives me something to do,† I mumbled. â€Å"Everyone is taking a break today, so you might as well.† I looked at him curiously. The light from the mirrors threw double shadows through the cornstalks that crisscrossed over him like zebra stripes. Under the lines and the dirt, his pale face was weary. â€Å"You look like you've been working.† His eyes tightened. â€Å"But I'm resting now.† â€Å"Jamie won't tell me what's going on,† I murmured. â€Å"No. And neither will I.† He sighed. â€Å"It's nothing you want to know anyway.† I stared at the ground, at the dark purple and brown dirt, as my stomach twisted and rolled. I could think of nothing worse than not knowing, but maybe I was just lacking in imagination. â€Å"It's not really fair,† Ian said after a silent moment, â€Å"seeing as I won't answer your question, but do you mind if I ask you one?† I welcomed the distraction. â€Å"Go ahead.† He didn't speak at once, so I looked up to find the reason for his hesitation. He was staring down now, looking at the dirt streaked across the backs of his hands. â€Å"I know you're not a liar. I know that now,† he said quietly. â€Å"I'll believe you, whatever your answer is.† I waited again while he continued to stare at the dirt on his skin. â€Å"I didn't buy Jeb's story before, but he and Doc are pretty convinced†¦ Wanda?† he asked, looking up at me. â€Å"Is she still in there with you? The girl whose body you wear?† This was not just my secret anymore-both Jamie and Jeb knew the truth. Neither was it the secret that really mattered. At any rate, I trusted Ian not to go blabbing to anyone who would kill me over it. â€Å"Yes,† I told him. â€Å"Melanie is still here.† He nodded slowly. â€Å"What is it like? For you? For her?† â€Å"It's†¦ frustrating, for us both. At first I would have given anything to have her disappear the way she should have. But now I†¦ I've gotten used to her.† I smiled wryly. â€Å"Sometimes it's nice to have the company. It's harder for her. She's like a prisoner in many ways. Locked away in my head. She prefers that captivity to disappearing, though.† â€Å"I didn't know there was a choice.† â€Å"There wasn't in the beginning. It wasn't until your kind discovered what was happening that any resistance started. That seems to be the key-knowing what's going to happen. The humans who were taken by surprise didn't fight back.† â€Å"So if I were caught?† I appraised his fierce expression-the fire in his brilliant eyes. â€Å"I doubt you would disappear. Things have changed, though. When they catch full-grown humans now, they don't offer them as hosts. Too many problems.† I half smiled again. â€Å"Problems like me. Going soft, getting sympathetic to my host, losing my way†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He thought about that for a long time, sometimes looking at my face, sometimes at the cornstalks, sometimes at nothing at all. â€Å"What would they do with me, then, if they caught me now?† he finally asked. â€Å"They'd still do an insertion, I think. Trying to get information. Probably they'd put a Seeker in you.† He shuddered. â€Å"But they wouldn't keep you as a host. Whether they found the information or not, you would be†¦ discarded.† The word was hard to say. The idea sickened me. Odd-it was usually the human things that made me sick. But I'd never looked at the situation from the body's perspective before; no other planet had forced me to. A body that didn't function right was quickly and painlessly disposed of because it was as useless as a car that could not run. What was the point of keeping it around? There were conditions of the mind, too, that made a body unusable: dangerous mental addictions, malevolent yearnings, things that could not be healed and made the body unsafe to others. Or, of course, a mind with a will too strong to be erased. An anomaly localized on this planet. I had never seen the ugliness of treating an unconquerable spirit as a defect as clearly as I did now, looking into Ian's eyes. â€Å"And if they caught you?† he asked. â€Å"If they realized who I was†¦ if anyone is still looking for me†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I thought of my Seeker and shuddered as he had. â€Å"They would take me out and put me in another host. Someone young, tractable. They would hope that I would be able to be myself again. Maybe they would ship me off-planet-get me away from the bad influences.† â€Å"Would you be yourself again?† I met his gaze. â€Å"I am myself. I haven't lost myself to Melanie. I would feel the same as I do now, even as a Bear or a Flower.† â€Å"They wouldn't discard you?† â€Å"Not a soul. We have no capital punishment for our kind. Or any punishment, really. Whatever they did, it would be to save me. I used to think there was no need for any other way, but now I have myself as proof against that theory. It would probably be right to discard me. I'm a traitor, aren't I?† Ian pursed his lips. â€Å"More of an expatriate, I'd say. You haven't turned on them; you've just left their society.† We were quiet again. I wanted to believe what he said was true. I considered the word expatriate, trying to convince myself that I was nothing worse. Ian exhaled loudly enough to make me jump. â€Å"When Doc sobers up, we'll get him to take a look at your face.† He reached over and put his hand under my chin; this time I didn't flinch. He turned my head to the side so he could examine the wound. â€Å"It's not important. I'm sure it looks worse than it is.† â€Å"I hope so-it looks awful.† He sighed and then stretched. â€Å"I suppose we've hidden long enough that Kyle's clean and unconscious. Want some help with the dishes?† Ian wouldn't let me wash the dishes in the stream the way I usually did. He insisted that we go into the black bathing room, where I would be invisible. I scrubbed dishes in the shallow end of the dark pool, while he cleaned off the filth left behind by his mystery labors. Then he helped me with the last of the dirty bowls. When we were done, he escorted me back to the kitchen, which was starting to fill up with the lunch crowd. More perishables were on the menu: soft white bread slices, slabs of sharp cheddar cheese, circles of lush pink bologna. People were scarfing down the delicacies with abandon, though the despair was still perceptible in the slump of their shoulders, in the absence of smiles or laughter. Jamie was waiting for me at our usual counter. Two double stacks of sandwiches sat in front of him, but he wasn't eating. His arms were folded as he waited for me. Ian eyed his expression curiously but left to get his own food without asking. I rolled my eyes at Jamie's stubbornness and took a bite. Jamie dug in as soon as I was chewing. Ian was back quickly, and we all ate in silence. The food tasted so good it was hard to imagine a reason for conversation-or anything else that would empty our mouths. I stopped at two, but Jamie and Ian ate until they were groaning in pain. Ian looked as though he was about to collapse. His eyes struggled to stay open. â€Å"Get back to school, kid,† he said to Jamie. Jamie appraised him. â€Å"Maybe I should take over†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Go to school,† I told him quickly. I wanted Jamie a safe distance from me today. â€Å"I'll see you later, okay? Don't worry about†¦ about anything.† â€Å"Sure.† A one-word lie wasn't quite so obvious. Or maybe I was just being sarcastic again. Once Jamie was gone, I turned on the somnolent Ian. â€Å"Go get some rest. I'll be fine-I'll stay someplace inconspicuous. Middle of a cornfield or something.† â€Å"Where did you sleep last night?† he asked, his eyes surprisingly sharp under his half-closed lids. â€Å"Why?† â€Å"I can sleep there now, and you can be inconspicuous beside me.† We were just murmuring, barely over a whisper now. No one paid us any attention. â€Å"You can't watch me every second.† â€Å"Wanna bet?† I shrugged, giving up. â€Å"I was back at the†¦ the hole. Where I was kept in the beginning.† Ian frowned; he didn't like that. But he got up and led the way back to the storage corridor. The main plaza was busy again now, full of people moving around the garden, all of them grave, their eyes on their feet. When we were alone in the black tunnel, I tried to reason with him again. â€Å"Ian, what's the point of this? Won't it hurt Jamie more, the longer I'm alive? In the end, wouldn't it be better for him if -â€Å" â€Å"Don't think like that, Wanda. We're not animals. Your death is not an inevitability.† â€Å"I don't think you're an animal,† I said quietly. â€Å"Thanks. I didn't say that as an accusation, though. I wouldn't blame you if you did.† That was the end of our conversation; that was the moment we both saw the pale blue light reflecting dimly from around the next turn in the tunnel. â€Å"Shh,† Ian breathed. â€Å"Wait here.† He pressed my shoulder down gently, trying to stick me where I stood. Then he strode forward, making no attempt to hide the sound of his footsteps. He disappeared around the corner. â€Å"Jared?† I heard him say, feigning surprise. My heart felt heavy in my chest; the sensation was more pain than fear. â€Å"I know it's with you,† Jared answered. He raised his voice, so that anyone between here and the main plaza would hear. â€Å"Come out, come out, wherever you are,† he called, his voice hard and mocking.

Critique of Pablo Picassos Girl Before a Mirror - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 3 Words: 980 Downloads: 1 Date added: 2019/08/16 Category People Essay Level High school Tags: Pablo Picasso Essay Did you like this example? The painting, Girl Before a Mirror, by Pablo Picasso was created in March 1932. A woman is seen standing and she expands an arm across the image towards a mirror to touch her reflection. The woman and the mirror symmetrically oppress almost the entire canvas and centrally imposes as the vertical axis of the painting. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Critique of Pablo Picassos Girl Before a Mirror" essay for you Create order Picasso literally connects the two sides together through the reaching motion to emphasize a bond between the woman and her mirror image. To stress this, Picasso includes red-stripes originating at the womans chest and spreads to her fingertips in the center of the painting, promoting easy flow and unity. The piece is absorbed by a variety of shapes, which constructs the essence of the womans body and her reflection. The shapes provide the woman with curves, particularly around the abdomen area. During this time, Picassos paintings mostly revolved around his mistress, Marie Therese Walter, who may have become pregnant with his child, hence the roundness of the womans figure. Otherwise, this painting was created during Picassos Cubist period where he initiated a new practice by altering appearances of all subjects, objects and people, opposed to what was generally expected. He did so through the use of incorporating geometric shapes, significant patterns, and contrasting colors in hi s art unrealistically and whimsically. These shapes are even prominent in the background that is usually placed as a backdrop, but in this case it is used as a metaphor for Picasso himself and allows the background to assist the main subject and pop as a focal point. Analysis The compositional strategy is based on symmetrical balance, in which the woman is on the left and her mirror image is on the right. The symmetry essentially brings focus to the ways that the two sides are not alike. In fact, the girls face shown in the mirror does not relate to the existing characteristics. Picasso also fulfills a balance of both warm and cool colors. Warm colors are primarily used on the woman, while cool colors are primarily used on her mirror image. He was mostly interested in captivating a human body and rendering it into a variety of colors, shapes, and patterns that implements a deeper meaning. The viewer begins by spotting familiar traits, such as a face or arm. The other features, such as hands or hair, that are recreated and constructed by simplified and geometric shapes, eventually become more present and the outline of a mirror is recognizable. The moment of detection is very stimulating when the viewer realizes that the woman is looking at herself in the mirror and the mirror is expressing something altered from reality. It could be that she is sad or upset, doesnt like what she sees, or that the mirror is presenting her true emotions. Executing a direct understanding of the artwork, leads to an interpretation of how you came to this conclusion. Interpretation When you look closely at the image, you can interpret many distinctive symbols that may represent different meanings throughout the artwork. The face is painted in a way that shows both the frontal and profile views of the woman. The womans face is divided into two parts. The right side appears to be yellow and bright like the sun, representing beauty and daylight. The colors have been given to enhance the attraction of the woman, as her pink-flesh tone is smooth with a clear complexion. One may even describe her as dolled up with make-up. Knowing that she was Picassos mistress, a viewer may also interpret the bright colors as the happy times the two spent together. However, the womans reflection represents the opposing version of how she views herself. The colors used here are much darker. On the right side of the reflections face her complexion is now textured and imperfect, almost as if it is fading. When the woman takes off her concealment of make-up, she is left to be increasingly exposed or vulnerable. Her eyes are depressed as they no longer have pupils, but are featured only as brown and orange specs. On the left side of the reflections face, the bright colors are removed, as well as the physical features of lips, an eyebrow, and other details. The subtraction of characteristics results in the feeling that there is a sense of hate or unhappiness, referencing to the night. Judgment The focus of the painting is contemplation on female pride and the fear of aging. In one instance, the painting communicates a contradiction between the perceptions of self-identity with the identity that others acknowledge. However, it could also be assumed that when the woman gazes at herself in the mirror, she visualizes herself as an old woman, as suggested by the discoloration of her forehead and the distortion of body parts. The woman is either in distress of losing her youth or is self-conscious about all the imperfections and weaknesses others do not recognize. Possibly the identity we classify ourselves with differs from others, simply for the fact that identity is built through a multitude of surfaces. It is a rare occurrence that the inner surface constitutes the same as the outer surface. In other words, what we allow people to see is hardly a reflection of our true identity. Our inner character may be hiding some sort of secret or affliction from the world, because being vulnerable is often difficult. Just as the painting is depicting, the artificial exterior, such as forcing a smile or putting on make-up, is used to disguise a persons true contents. Due to the fact that other individuals cannot physically see beneath the outer surface, what meets the eye is the only basis for judgment. In conclusions, according to the representations in Pablo Picassos Girl Before a Mirror, only the mirror knows all and traps the actualities of identification one decides to shield or hide from the public eye.